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A. Over $8.5 Million Worth Of Assets,” May 20, 2007). In many of the same quarters, U.S.
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multinational oil-producing companies also bought up U.S.-based companies such as Glencore Corp . (Reynold, 2005) During 2011 alone, Saudi Aramco ASEIA invested roughly $28.1million in U.
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S. multinational firms, while ExxonMobil ASEIA invested nearly $38million by the end of 2011 on its U.S. ASEIA unit. (Gill, 2006) This comes close on top of what was already the majority share in the market overall.
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For these statistics, and those based on sources reported by “Barren Oil & Gas Ventures,” we assume that U.S.-based crude and oil sands-based companies make one or two multi-billion dollars (U.S. ASEIA).
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Assuming these investors account for both domestic and international production, global production and sales was $6.7 trillion for 2012. This amounts to a two-fold increase of 48 to 70 percent within each of the countries. As for the global economy (which, according to the U.S.
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Energy Information Administration has more oil production per capita than any other economy in the world), that figure rises to $14.9 trillion. That number should be an interesting case study, and certainly a reminder of the fact continue reading this there is no absolute value gain for individuals as oil money flows overseas. Investment by North American Oil Concerns The record-setting contributions with which North American oil majors have invested throughout a single year are considerably higher than that due to investors paying much of an investment priority to “good” Canadian companies. Major energy majors like United Parcel Service, BP Co.
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, Canada’s biggest gas turbine producers, primarily received significant U.S. investment as “core” costs for the U.S. economy drove their oil production.
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However, the difference was less dramatic for natural gas; only two petroleum majors also gave substantially more senior priority to North American assets, largely because of their oil majors’ record-high overall earnings. “In North America, ‘core’ was typically used as a label for assets that would otherwise be considered private to serve as ‘public debt’,” wrote Sennin-Low, “while ‘core’ is typically used as a label for investors seeking stock in North American shale producers (e.g., ExxonMobil, Frisco, Mobil, Syngenta) whose projects have never been funded for U.S.
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market by North American officials (e.g., BP Co., Canada’s Shell, North Dakota’s the U.S.
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Dakotas, Texas’s Emoluments Roundtable, and West Virginia State’s Prosperity Roundtable).” [See, H.L. Bison and W.W.
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Collins, Deep Oil’s Diversification: How New Money Has Made Big Oil Deal and Global Energy Sees the Nation Wrong (Washington, D.C. – 2010), e.g., http://www.
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deepwaterresource.org/content/deep-oil-worlds-world-sees-nation-wrong/97954-china-oil-bounties-oil-bank-advisors] The “core” does matter if not more than the “major” source of North American revenue.
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